julho 31, 2004

Con Castro



por Alejandro Armengol

Curiosos los extremos. Nunca como ahora han coincidido los discursos de la extrema derecha de Miami y la extrema izquierda de La Habana. Más allá de la vocación totalitaria, hay una actitud común: el desprecio a la inteligencia y la arrogancia que acompaña la mentira impune.

Quienes rechazan las restricciones a los viajes y envíos a Cuba no son realmente exiliados, sino inmigrantes, alegan. Llegaron a ''estas tierras de libertad'' buscando simplemente el pan con jamón, repiten. Con el atraso que trae el desgaste de una confrontación demasiado larga, los comités de defensa radiales de Miami y algún que otro inquisidor de esquina se han apoderado de un argumento clásico del castrismo: los que se van de la isla lo hacen por motivos económicos. Curioso --de nuevo-- que éste brote en Miami. Precisamente cuando esos ''inmigrantes económicos'' comienzan un ejercicio democrático de protesta y asumen una posición política.

Descalificar al opositor y no rebatir sus puntos de vista. Los ''anticastristas'' más radicales dándole la razón al enemigo de toda una vida. El menosprecio los hermana. Así que en los últimos años Miami se ha llenado de inmigrantes económicos, a los cuales sólo mueve el interés de llenar su barriga y la de sus familiares. ¿Y quién les ha dado autoridad a esos señores para clasificar a los cubanos que viven en esta ciudad? Un exiliado político es alguien al que le quitaron el negocio durante los primeros años de la revolución. ¿Y por qué no el otro, que no podía ganar un salario decente y satisfacer sus necesidades, que vino mucho después y quizá nació y creció cuando ya no quedaban negocios de los cuales apoderarse?

Hay los que padecen de añoranza totalitaria. Les gusta salir a la calle a tratar de recoger a cualquiera y meterlo en una celda ideológica. La categoría de exiliado político la ''otorga'' Fidel Castro. Lo viene haciendo desde hace muchos años. Se la ha ''conferido'' a todo aquél que se ha visto obligado a abandonar la isla, con independencia de motivos, voluntad y aspiraciones. Este país reconoce esa categoría y ha sido generoso como ninguno con los cubanos. La nación norteamericana. No un gobierno específico, republicano o demócrata. Algunos mandatarios se han distinguido por una política migratoria más flexible, pero el hecho de acoger a los perseguidos políticos es un principio fundamental del sistema norteamericano. Como fundamento de la nación, no como prerrogativa gubernamental.

Lo que ahora algunos pretenden negarles a los cubanos --a todos los cubanos-- es que son perseguidos políticos. Y al intentar adueñarse de la bandera del exilio, no hacen más que ponerse de parte de Fidel Castro. No importa fecha de llegada, ''glorioso pasado'' como miembro de la anterior dictadura --la batistiana-- y el arrepentimiento por un historial nada despreciable en favor del marxismo-leninismo. Los une la voluntad de jugar en la novena del comandante, aunque digan todo lo contrario.

Si lo hace ''de forma legal'', quien abandona Cuba tiene que firmar un documento, llamado ''permiso de salida definitiva del país''. Esto quiere decir que no puede volver a vivir en la isla, se ve privado de sus derechos ciudadanos y está impedido de colocar un candado en la puerta de su vivienda, por si le va mal en el extranjero y sueña con regresar a la patria: porque se queda sin vivienda y sin patria. Igual ocurre si se va ''de forma ilegal''. El castigo puede ser mayor: le retienen la familia, no lo dejan volver a visitarlos.

Hay algo que nos une a todos los que partimos de Cuba y nos diferencia del resto de los inmigrantes económicos: no podemos --poco importa el deseo de hacerlo o no-- establecernos de nuevo, de forma legal y permanente, en el país en que nacimos. No es un problema de ciudadanía adquirida, es un derecho de nacimiento que nos han quitado.

Castro entrega el permiso para irse definitivamente. Hasta ahora, no le ha dado ''permiso'' a ningún ciudadano común y corriente para regresar definitivamente. Esta es la batalla que vale la pena librar: la anulación de los ''permisos''. Hay algunos a los que ahora en Miami no les basta con las restricciones existentes en Cuba y están complacidos con nuevas limitaciones. La política de reunificación familiar, los viajes a Cuba, el aumento de las comunicaciones e incluso las remesas familiares son conquistas del exilio. Quienes intentan abolirlas --llevarlas a niveles ridículos de reducción-- se limitan a hacerle un favor al régimen de La Habana, más allá de la retórica. Curioso --una vez más-- el afán en acoger como válida una parte del discurso del gobernante cubano. No se puede enfatizar que éste es un maestro en el arte de la manipulación --un ser perverso siempre dispuesto a mentir y un traidor consuetudinario-- y al mismo tiempo reclamar como ciertas sus declaraciones en contra de las medidas. El rechazar por conveniencia que éstas forman parte de un juego político es entrar en ese juego.

La Ley de Ajuste Cubano --promulgada en 1966, durante la presidencia del demócrata Lyndon Johnson-- se fundamenta en que los cubanos no pueden ser deportados, ya que el régimen de La Habana no los admite, que en cualquier caso estarían sujetos a la persecución y que en la isla no existe un gobierno democrático. Ningún refugiado que visita a la familia que dejó atrás pone en peligro la ley. Cualquier amenaza al respecto no es más que un vulgar chantaje. La abolición de esta ley es el reclamo preferido y constante de los funcionarios cubanos durante las diversas reuniones migratorias llevadas a cabo entre Washington y La Habana. Bill Clinton logró darle un rodeo, con la infame política de ''pies secos, pies mojados''. Los nuevos argumentos contra la medida --que por razones diversas nunca ha sido del agrado de muchos, salvo los cubanos-- han surgido en Miami y no en la Plaza de la Revolución. Castro debe de estar tomando nota. Aún me niego a pensar que también esté dictando.


(C) Alejandro Armengol

Big Apple Terror?

Sources: Al Qaeda Plotting to Attack New York City Corporations



NEW YORK — ABC News has learned that federal and New York City officials have received credible intelligence that al Qaeda has been plotting to carry out suicide attacks on corporations based in the city.

Sources at several law enforcement agencies tell ABC News that an "overseas source" has provided the information about the threat to New York and that it is more significant than the usual "chatter" intercepted from likely terrorists that has prompted warnings in the past.
Officials from dozens of local and federal agencies met into the night Friday and again this morning.

"Intelligence reporting indicates that al Qaeda continues to target for attack commercial and financial institutions, as well as international organizations, inside the United States," the New York City Police Department said in a statement released today on the "ongoing al Qaeda threat."

"The NYPD recommends that corporate and institutional security directors review their protection of HVAC systems, parking installations, and security in general," the statement added. "The alert level for New York City remains unchanged at 'orange' or 'high.'"

Border Worries

Intelligence sources say al Qaeda plans to move non-Arab terrorists across the border with Mexico.

Authorities already have in custody a woman of Pakistani-origin arrested after crossing into Texas. She carried a South African passport with several of the pages torn out, $7,000 in cash and an airplane ticket to New York.

New York is already on heightened alert for the Republican National Convention, which meets at Madison Square Garden in a month and will bring scores of high government officials to town.

The sources tell ABC News that Wall Street firms may be among the targeted U.S. corporations based in New York City. Which corporations or how many may be targeted has not been revealed.

Suicide Truck Bombings

Particularly disturbing to authorities were the intelligence reports that the attack may involve one or more suicide truck bombings, a tactic never seen in the United States, but one widely used by terrorists elsewhere.

"I think they want to try and shake our psyche again," says Jerry Hauer, an ABC News consultant and former director of New York City's Office of Emergency Management. "And I think the easy types of attacks right now are car bombs, truck bombs."

Law enforcement officials acknowledge such bombs are extremely difficult to prevent.

As to the timing of any planned attack, sources say it could take place between now and Election Day in November.

As the government tries to verify the reports of the threat, there are no plans to raise the national threat level, a senior Bush administration official tells ABC News.

Pierre Thomas and Bob Jamieson contributed to this report

julho 30, 2004

Japan's Sad Princess

TOKYO - It was a fairy tale romance: the commoner marrying the heir to Japan's Imperial Throne. But as CBS News Correspondent Barry Petersen reports, Princess Masako's life is anything but happily ever after. Harvard and Oxford educated, she was an accomplished diplomat before her marriage. But now, her only job is to produce a male heir. Her first child, a girl, cannot take the throne.



Having a beautiful daughter the country virtually dismisses and being criticized for her failure to have a son is tearing the 40-year-old princess apart. She is now in seclusion and reportedly battling depression, says an old friend. "She seems to be quite sensitive," says Yukie Kudo. "She cries a lot." The fate of the princess is not that unusual in Japan.

Beneath the 21st century glitter, some women are still bound by ancient traditions dictating their role after marriage as housewife and mother. No wonder as many as a third of young Japanese women say they are not interested in getting married and conforming to a strict cultural formula once they become a wife. And it is the young women who feel for Masako the most. "Those who are career oriented and who are active in society feel strongly that she should be allowed to act like a person (and) not as a sort of puppet," says George Fields, an expert on Japan.



A modern princess can influence the whole world, as Princess Diana did in her fights for AIDS patients and against landmines. Princess Masako could have the same talents, but we may never know. In an extraordinary public admission for the secretive Imperial household, her husband says she is deadly tired and unable to travel. So when her husband goes abroad, the woman trained as a diplomat stays at home, trapped in a royal household that some call the last cocoon of feudalism.

Arrestan por fraude al hijo de Pinochet

SANTIAGO DE CHILE - Augusto Pinochet Hiriart, hijo mayor del ex dictador Augusto Pinochet, fue detenido ayer en relación a un proceso por una venta fraudulenta de automóviles, informó la policía.

''Se encuentra en condición de detenido dentro de una orden de aprehensión dada por al juzgado de garantía de Curicó'', informó el prefecto Eduardo Naranjo, portavoz de la policía de Investigaciones.

A las pocas horas de su detención, Pinochet Hiriart compareció ante el juzgado de garantía de la ciudad de Curicó, 180 kilómetros al sur de Santiago, que extendió su detención hasta por lo menos el sábado. Hasta entonces, la fiscalía tendrá tiempo para formular cargos y se efectuará una nueva audiencia judicial.



El hijo del ex gobernante, quien el año anterior debió comparecer también en el mismo proceso, es vinculado con el cabecilla de una banda que falsificaba facturas por la venta de automóviles.

Pinochet Hiriart, quien también fue militar pero se retiró con el grado de capitán, ha estado relacionado con actividades comerciales. Hace unos años patentó su nombre para la exportación de vinos.

A fines de los años 80, poco antes que su padre entregara el poder, Augusto Pinochet Hiriart estuvo vinculado en una negociación con el ejército por la venta en $3 millones de una empresa fabricante de armas que estaba quebrada.

Una investigación de ese caso fue cerrada por petición del entonces presidente Eduardo Frei, quien arguyó ``razones de estado''.

El ex dictador, que tras dejar el poder conservó la jefatura del ejército durante varios años, en dos oportunidades, entre 1990 y 1992, movilizó a la institución en públicas y amenazantes manifestaciones de desagrado por las investigaciones sobre las violaciones a los derechos humanos y sobre las actividades financieras de su hijo.

Mientras tanto, el general Augusto Pinochet puede enfrentar cuantiosas multas e incluso penas de cárcel si el Servicio de Impuestos Internos, SII, comprueba que cometió ilícitos tributarios vinculados a sus millonarios depósitos en Estados Unidos.

El SII anunció ayer que indaga la situación del ex dictador en relación a las cuentas de entre $4 y $8 millones que mantuvo en un banco estadounidense, entre 1994 y el 2002.

''Es parte de la labor normal del servicio tener áreas de fiscalización, de investigación de distinta naturaleza y se hacen en las áreas que corresponden'', dijo escuetamente el director del SII, Juan Toro.

El funcionario advirtió que las indagaciones del SII son de carácter técnico y muy rigurosas. ''Nunca hace juicios a priori respecto a qué acciones va a tomar al respecto'', agregó Toro. [AP]

Portugal está a arder!





Foto tomada no dia 27 de Julho

La Tercera lamenta casos de quemaduras por receta de cocina

Estas cosas solo suceden en Chile...

[El periodico chileno] La Tercera manifiesta su profundo pesar y expresa su solidaridad y aprecio por las personas que pudieran haber sido afectadas. Lamentamos todo y cualquier problema derivado de esta situación. Como todas las recetas divulgadas por revista Mujer, ésta fue publicada de buena fe, en forma responsable, siguiendo criterios de comprobación empírica y avalada por chefs de reconocido prestigio. El diario expresa su más clara y completa disposición para analizar todos los casos relacionados con esta receta con el objetivo de determinar las eventuales responsabilidades que pudieran derivarse.



La principal preocupación de La Tercera son sus lectores y lectoras. Ante los casos de quemaduras ocurridos en la aplicación de una receta de churros publicada el domingo 25 en su revista Mujer, en primer lugar, el diario renueva su compromiso con ellos y con sus familias. La Tercera manifiesta su profundo pesar y expresa su solidaridad y aprecio por las personas que pudieran haber sido afectadas. Lamentamos todo y cualquier problema derivado de esta situación.

Como todas las recetas divulgadas por revista Mujer, ésta fue publicada de buena fe, en forma responsable, siguiendo criterios de comprobación empírica y avalada por chefs de reconocido prestigio. Sólo estrictamente bajo esas condiciones se procede a este tipo de selección. En este caso específico, además, se trata de una fórmula normalmente utilizada y que había sido divulgada con anterioridad por otros medios.

Para realizar una producción de esta naturaleza en revista Mujer los especialistas deben preparar al menos dos o tres platos de la receta con la finalidad de garantizar la calidad del producto y su adecuada elaboración. Antes de darle el visto bueno a la publicada el domingo 25 este procedimiento se realizó en cinco oportunidades.

Al tomar conocimiento de los problemas ocurridos a algunas lectoras, revista Mujer inició una investigación exhaustiva sobre la receta, sus componentes y su forma de preparación. Para eso recurrió a otros expertos, especialmente en comida española, origen del plato recetado.

Todos los especialistas consultados han coincidido sustancialmente con la validez de la receta publicada. Uno de ellos es Xabier Zavala, del restaurante Infante 51, elegido chef del año por el Círculo de Periodistas Gastronómicos, quien realizó la receta al pie de la letra y no tuvo inconvenientes. Lo mismo hicieron Christopher Carpentier, chef del restaurante Agua, y Allan Kalens, chef ejecutivo del Hotel NH Ciudad de Santiago. Asimismo, varias lectoras nos han señalado que no sufrieron problemas al aplicarla.

La Tercera manifiesta su más clara y completa disposición para analizar todos los casos relacionados con esta receta con el objetivo de determinar las eventuales responsabilidades que pudieran derivarse.

Nuestra preocupación no cesará hasta conocer el último detalle de las causas que provocaron los accidentes ocurridos. Queremos que nuestros lectores y lectoras se comuniquen con La Tercera para darnos a conocer sus posibles problemas, inquietudes y dudas.

Para contactarnos, está a disposición el telefóno 5507060. También está disponible el mail revistamujer@latercera.cl. Nuestra dirección es Vicuña Mackenna 1962.

Por último, queremos reiterar que lamentamos profundamente los casos ocurridos y volver a manifestar nuestra solidaridad, aprecio y respeto por las personas afectadas por la aplicación de la receta.

Geração 2000



por MIGUEL SOUSA TAVARES

Bill Clinton foi saudado em delírio pelos congressistas da Convenção Democrata de Boston. E, todavia, não disse nada de novo: limitou-se a recordar o que tinham sido as suas causas na Presidência, o que são as causas dos democratas americanos e o que faz a diferença entre isso e a América sombria que Bush representa. Uma América mais forte e justa internamente e respeitada externamente. Clinton transformou em "superavit" os crónicos défices herdados da gestão republicana, porque lhe pareceu fundamentalmente injusto que as gerações futuras viessem a pagar pela gestão leviana da actual. Bateu-se pela democratização do ensino, desde a escola primária, porque sabia que aí começavam todas as descriminações (teria Bush algum dia chegado à Presidência se o pai não lhe tivesse positivamente comprado um curso universitário?). Bateu-se pelo acesso de todos, independentemente do dinheiro e em condições decentes, à assistência médica, no que foi derrotado pelo Congresso de maioria republicana. Protegeu o ambiente, não tanto como havia prometido, mas apenas tanto quanto os 'lobbies' da indústria lhe permitiram, e assinou o Protocolo de Quioto. Tendo estudado em Inglaterra e viajado pela Europa, soube compreender a importância de os Estados Unidos exercerem uma liderança partilhada e darem atenção aos outros, em lugar de lhes imporem arrogantemente as suas ideias feitas sobre o mundo e os valores morais que o devem guiar. Por isso, assinou com a Rússia uma convenção de limitação dos mísseis balísticos, decretou uma moratória sem prazo às experiências nucleares e submeteu os Estados Unidos à jurisdição do Tribunal Penal Internacional (TPI), em pé de igualdade com todas as nações do mundo, para que uma mesma lei e uma mesma legitimidade possam punir a barbárie, onde quer e como quer que ela aconteça. [continua]

julho 29, 2004

Espectáculo y negocio en Boston



por Joaquim Utset

BOSTON - Las convenciones nacionales modernas son carnavales políticos predecibles hasta el mínimo detalle, con globos que descienden en el momento oportuno, pancartas que se levantan mágicamente al unísono y oradores que misteriosamente repiten los mismos conceptos en sus discursos, como escritos por la misma mano.

Bueno, casi siempre lo son. Lejos de las cámaras y del FleetCenter, la Convención Nacional Demócrata toma un cariz inesperado y colorido.

Que se lo pregunten al presidente del Partido Demócrata de la Florida, Scott Maddox, quien tuvo que emplearse a fondo ayer cuando un par de jóvenes pacifistas se apoderaron por sorpresa del micrófono durante el desayuno de la delegación en el hotel Boston Marriott.

Ni corto, ni perezoso, Maddox, en una maniobra que podría envidiar el saliente ariete de los Dolphins Ricky Williams, empujó violentamente a uno de los muchachos antes de que pudiera articular algo inteligible.

Fuera de la sala, antes de que los guardias de seguridad se los llevaran, los adolescentes declararon que los republicanos y los demócratas son lo mismo. Dentro de la sala, Maddox comentó que situaciones como ésta demuestran por qué se le debe decir ''no'' a las drogas.

El argumento de las similitudes de los dos partidos del ''sistema'' ha sido repetido en estos cuatro días por las incansables huestes de pacifistas, que han ejercido el papel de desleal oposición a los dirigentes demócratas y al senador John Kerry, los cuales se oponen a la retirada prematura de las fuerzas desplegadas en Irak que exigen los manifestantes.

Pese a ser incisivos, de todos modos, los manifestantes han resultado ser mucho menos de los esperados, y el Boston Globe señaló que hasta ayer sólo habían arrestado a una persona.
Los que sí no faltaron fueron los artistas y los famosos. Fuera de Beverly Hills, Boston debía ser la capital de la farándula, y Ben Affleck, su alcalde. El ex novio de Jennifer López trabajó a destajo durante estos cuatro días, entre entrevistas y las populares visitas a delegaciones a la hora del desayuno.

Y es que una convención comienza a perder el tono serio cuando uno se cruza en la cola de la cafetería Starbucks con Jerry Springer, el presentador de los programas donde los panelistas acaban a manotazos, o en el vestíbulo de un hotel lleno de delegados le corta de golpe el paso el actor Jerry Stiller, quien viste tan estrafalario como en Seinfeld.

Mientras, en la calle, se puede ver una una discusión inesperada entre la estrella liberal del momento, el documentalista Michael Moore, y el periodista conservador de Fox News Bill O'Reilly, como me relató una delegada.

Claro, toda improvisación y espontaneidad se termina cuando uno entra al escenario de la convención. Se puede adivinar sin mirar el programa qué orador es el siguiente con sólo vigilar a unos jóvenes en armillas fosforescentes que entregan a los delegados las pancartas, y señalan el momento de levantarlas cuando se pronuncia la frase clave, como ''Hope is on the way'' (La esperanza está en camino), que marcó el final de la intervención del senador John Edwards.

Pero olvídese de conseguir uno de esos carteles como recuerdo si no es un delegado: desaparecen más rápido que la memoria de las máquinas de votar de Miami-Dade. Para conseguir souvenirs, incluso en la convención del llamado partido del pueblo hay que rascarse el bolsillo en los puestos de venta desplegados por todas las esquinas.

Al fin, las convenciones, como la política moderna, no dejan de ser una mezcla de espectáculo y negocio.

El Nuevo Herald

Kerry:Mission Accomplished



BOSTON
- John Kerry rose to the occasion Thursday night. Giving the best speech of his campaign for the presidency, he successfully and concisely defined himself as a man of character capable of leading the nation in a time of war.

If the goal of an acceptance speech is to introduce a candidate positively to voters who may have only a vague sense of them, Kerry did it. By attacking Republicans where they have been historically strongest – security, "family values" and faith – he made tangible steps toward establishing the issues as Democratic in belief, a central strategy of the Kerry campaign.

With 17 mentions of the words "strength" or "strong" and 16 mentions of the word "values," the message Kerry attempted to get across was that as a Democrat he can defend a nation and morally embody it as well. It was the standard bearer of the Democratic Party reclaiming issues they lost decades ago.

“This speech was the best John Kerry has ever done,” said Louisiana Sen. Mary Landrieu, yelling over the noise of the convention floor, the hall covered in balloons, Van Halen blaring.



“We are so energized by this man,” she continued. “You hear Bill Clinton speak and you think how great he is. Tonight, when John Kerry finished speaking you looked around and said how great we are. It was just magnificent.”

As evidence of the speech's impact on the Democratic base, the Kerry campaign announced at midnight that it had raised $5.2 million on Thursday, breaking the record of $3 million they raised the day before.

Other speeches had brought more people to their feet in Boston’s FleetCenter, but there was a sense among those in the packed convention hall that a serious address was suitable.

More importantly, the sense among experts was that outside the arena, in the America where 46 percent do not have a clear view of the Democratic nominee, Kerry successfully defined himself and may have reached undecided voters.



“I think finally today the Kerry campaign began to paint who this guy is and he could have well have made some significant headway in reaching those undecided voters,” said Stu Rothenberg, editor of the nonpartisan Rothenberg Political Report.

“He made people comfortable with John Kerry as president of the United States, as commander-in-chief.”

The speech showed John F. Kerry modeling himself on his political idol, John F. Kennedy. Mentioning Kennedy’s “call to service” early in his address, his voice rising as he tapped the podium, Kerry appeared confident, invigorated by the audience from the outset.

Like the first Catholic president from Massachusetts, Kerry emphasized his military experience in vivid detail, spoke optimistically about America, stressed fiscal responsibility and above all, spent nearly a third of his address attesting that he is a most capable commander-in-chief.

Listing anecdotes of struggling Americans, he told the audience six times that "help is on the way." Matching the theme of "hope is on the way" utilized in last night's address by running mate John Edwards," Kerry mostly used the plain language and sound bites that his party had hoped to hear.

After four days of the Democratic National Convention almost myopically focused on Kerry’s national security credentials, he finally spoke directly about his experiences in war.



“I know what kids go through when they are carrying an M-16 in a dangerous place and they can't tell friend from foe,” he said. “As President, I will bring back this nation's time-honored tradition: the United States of America never goes to war because we want to, we only go to war because we have to.”

Speaking of his days commanding a swift boat in Vietnam and obliquely contrasting himself with President Bush’s avoidance of service overseas during the war, Kerry proclaimed, “I will wage this war with the lessons I learned in war.”

The central tenet of Kerry’s criticism of Mr. Bush’s handling of the war in Iraq is that the U.S. military is overly committed because our traditional allies have been estranged by a belligerent policy.

By not saying the more than 800 U.S. fatalities in Iraq did not have to occur – as many delegates on the floor believe – Kerry avoided the overt attack on the president many Democrats had hoped to hear.

“He is speaking to the undecided voters, the anti-Bush is so strong, he can take almost any position and he still has Democrats,” said Merle Black, a professor at Emory University in Atlanta who spoke by phone from his home.
“He looked good. He looked really energetic, relaxed and confident,” Black said of how he appeared on television.

“At some point he needs to say if you are going to replace the guy what are you going to be that different. But I think most people who saw him for the first time would have a favorable impression and it was wise for him to not directly engage the president.” [CBS]



No retreat, no surrender
Shedding caution, John Kerry takes the fight to George W. Bush -- and gives the speech of his life.

BOSTON - All week long, the Kerry-Edwards campaign has tried to keep a lid on the emotion -- anger about an election stolen, sadness about an America lost -- that is driving the Democrats' desire to oust George W. Bush. Thursday night in Boston, it finally became clear why: Kerry was trying to save it all for himself.

The Democratic presidential nominee stormed into the Fleet Center to Bruce Springsteen's "No Surrender," and he never did. Nearly an hour after saying, "I'm John Kerry and I'm reporting for duty," Kerry was still at his post, delivering a sustained attack on the Bush administration -- and a hopeful plea for the future -- that was as passionate, in Kerry's own way, as any speech Al Sharpton could ever hope to deliver.

"Now, I know there are those who criticize me for seeing complexities -- and I do -- because some issues just aren't all that simple," Kerry said. "Saying there are weapons of mass destruction in Iraq doesn't make it so. Saying we can fight a war on the cheap doesn't make it so. And proclaiming 'mission accomplished' certainly doesn't make it so."



Going straight after the Republican defense of Bush's war on Iraq -- the president didn't lie, he was misled -- Kerry said he will "ask hard questions and demand hard evidence. I will immediately reform the intelligence system -- so policy is guided by facts, and facts are never distorted by politics. And as president, I will bring back this nation's time-honored tradition: the United States of America never goes to war because we want to, we will only go to war because we have to."

Kerry, who had been criticized by some Democrats for what they thought was excessive caution in attacking Bush and his policies, started out slowly, but electrified the crowd when he took the gloves off. "I will be a commander in chief who will never mislead us into war," he said. "I will have a vice president who will not conduct secret meetings with polluters to rewrite our environmental laws. I will have a secretary of defense who will listen to the best advice of our military leaders. And I will appoint an attorney general who actually upholds the Constitution of the United States."
[SALON]



Kerry defines candidacy on values and security

BOSTON - John Kerry Thursday night presented himself as a future president of strength, faith and optimism, claiming on behalf of the Democratic party the same values championed by the Republicans as he accepted his party's nomination for president.

Flanked by his former crewmates from the Vietnam war, Mr Kerry promised to protect the US from the terrorist threat. “I will immediately reform the intelligence system so policy is guided by facts and facts are never distorted by politics,” he said. “As president, I will ask hard questions and demand hard evidence.”

Mr Kerry offered a subtle rebuke to President George W. Bush's patchy military record, contrasting it with his own time in combat. “I'm John Kerry,” he said, when he took to the podium and, then, saluting to the cheers of the crowd, added: “and I'm reporting for duty.”

Mr Kerry then made a bold grab for the middle ground of American politics, borrowing from the language of former two-term Republican president Ronald Reagan in pledging to lead a strong, united America, and reminding its citizens that “out best days are still to come.”



Reinforcing the positive theme that the Kerry campaign has sought to make the leitmotif of the week, Mr Kerry said: “We can do better and we will. We're the optimists.”

He also sought to banish the perception of a squeamish Democratic party: “I defended this country as a young man and I will defend it as president. Let there be no mistake: I will never hesitate to use force when it is required.”

With the Democratic convention behind him, Mr Kerry's monopoly of the limelight comes to an end today. After a week's holiday on his ranch in Crawford, Texas, Mr Bush returns to the campaign trail on Friday in the three most fiercely-fought states of the Midwest - Michigan, Missouri and Ohio.

Mr Kerry was welcomed onto the stage, after the delegates in Boston were treated to a glowing nine-minute video tribute tracing his story from childhood, his time as a student at Yale University, his command of a Swift Boat on the Mekong Delta and term as a US senator.

An even more personal and intimate testimonial was given by his two daughters, Alexandra and Vanessa, who extolled their father's family values - including the time he rescued the family hamster from drowning.

The Band of Brothers - the name given to Mr Kerry's Vietnam war crewmates - lined up to herald Mr Kerry onto the stage. Max Cleland, the former Georgia senator who lost three limbs in Vietnam, introduced the Massachusetts senator.

Mr Kerry made a point both of introducing his personal story to the audience, including details of his parents' past and his personal values, but also sought to give a laundry list of policy proposals of a future Kerry administration.

He reprised many of the themes and much of the phrasin, that has featured in stump speeches across the country for months. He set out his healthcare plans, emphasised the need to halt the exodus of US jobs overseas and, to rapturous applause, promised that he would not appoint an attorney-general with a disregard for the US constitution.



“There is nothing more pessimistic than saying America cannot do better,” Mr Kerry said, as part of a speech intended to emphasise optimism and unity in America.

Still, Mr Kerry criticised into Mr Bush repeatedly for misleading the American people over Iraq: “Saying there were weapons of mass destruction doesn't make it so.”

In the tradition of the barnstorming Clinton/Gore trip after the 1992 Democratic convention, Mr Kerry heads out on Friday with his vice-presidential running mate, John Edwards, taking his message of strong leadership from the national stage to the battleground states that will decide the 2004 election.

They will hit the stump together in rallies in New York, Connecticut and Pennsylvania on Friday. They will then tour other swing states before Mr Edwards branches off to make the Democratic case in Florida on Sunday night and Mr Kerry heads for the industrial heartland of Michigan and Missouri.

Campaign managers say Mr Kerry is the first candidate to travel uninterrupted by land from the Atlantic to the Pacific coasts since Harry Truman made his whistle-stop tour in 1948. The itinerary shows the Kerry campaign focusing on those battleground states that Mr Bush won in 2000 but now seem to be wavering in their support for the president.

Mr Bush has allowed the Democratic challenger to monopolise the limelight over the past week. But after a week’s holiday Mr Bush returns to the cam paign trail in the industrial Midwest as he works up towards the Republican national convention in New York in late August. [Financial Times]




Text of John Kerry's acceptance speech

I'm John Kerry, and I'm reporting for duty.
We are here tonight because we love our country. We're proud of what America is and what it can become.
My fellow Americans, we're here tonight united in one purpose: to make America stronger at home and respected in the world.
A great American novelist wrote that you can't go home again. He could not have imagined this evening. Tonight, I am home ... home where my public life began and those who made it possible live; home where our nation's history was written in blood, idealism and hope; home where my parents showed me the values of family, faith and country.
Thank you, all of you, for a welcome home I will never forget.
I wish my parents could share this moment. They went to their rest in the last few years. But their example, their inspiration, their gift of open eyes – open eyes and open mind and endless heart and world that doesn't have an end are bigger and more lasting than any words at all.
I was born, as some of you saw in the film, in Fitzsimmons Army Hospital in Colorado when my dad was a pilot in World War two. Now, I am not one to read into things, but guess which wing of the hospital the maternity ward was in?
I'm not kidding. I was born in the West Wing.
My mother was the rock of our family, as so many mothers are. She stayed up late to help me with my homework. She sat by my bed when I was sick. She answered the questions of a child who, like all children, found the world full of wonders and mysteries. She was my den mother when I was a Cub Scout, and she was so proud of her 50-year pin as a Girl Scout leader.
She gave me her passion for the environment. She taught me to see trees as the cathedrals of nature. And by the power of her example, she showed me that we can and must complete the march toward full equality for all women in the United States of America.



My dad did the things that a boy remembers. My dad did the things that a boy remembers. He gave me my first model airplane, my first baseball mitt, my first bicycle. He also taught me that we are here for something bigger than ourselves. He lived out the responsibilities and the sacrifices of the greatest generation to whom we owe so much.
And when I was a young man, he was in the State Department, stationed in Berlin when it and the world were divided between democracy and communism.
I have unforgettable memories of being a kid mesmerised by the British, French and American troops, each of them guarding their own part of the city, and Russians standing guard on that stark line separating East from West. On one occasion, I rode my bike into Soviet East Berlin, and when I proudly told my dad, he promptly grounded me.
But what I learned has stayed with me for a lifetime. I saw how different life was on different sides of the same city. I saw the fear in the eyes of people who were not free. I saw the gratitude of people toward the United States for all that we had done. I felt goose bumps as I got off a military train and heard the Army band strike up Stars and Stripes Forever.
I learned what it meant to be America at our best. I learned the pride of our freedom. And I am determined now to restore that pride to all who look to America.
Mine were Greatest Generation parents. And as I thank them, we all join together to thank a whole generation for making America strong, for winning World War 2, winning the Cold War and for the great gift of service which brought America 50 years of peace and prosperity.



My parents inspired me to serve, and when I was in high school, a junior, John Kennedy called my generation to service. It was the beginning of a great journey, a time to march for civil rights, for voting rights, for the environment, for women, for peace.
We believed we could change the world. And you know what? We did. But we're not finished. But we're not finished. The journey isn't complete; the march isn't over; the promise isn't perfected.
Tonight, we're setting out again. And together, we're going to write the next great chapter of America's story.
We have it in our power to change the world, but only if we're true to our ideals. And that starts by telling the truth to the American people.
As president, that is my first pledge to you tonight: as president, I will restore trust and credibility to the White House.
I ask you, I ask you to judge me by my record. As a young prosecutor, I fought for victims' rights and made prosecuting violence against women a priority.
When I came to the Senate, I broke with many in my own party to vote for a balanced budget, because I thought it was the right thing to do. I fought to put 100,000 police officers on the streets of America.
And then I reached out across the aisle with John McCain to work to find the truth about our POWs and missing in action and to finally make peace in Vietnam.
I will be a commander in chief who will never mislead us into war. I will have a vice president who will not conduct secret meetings with polluters to rewrite our environmental laws. I will have a secretary of defence who will listen to the best advice of the military leaders. And I will appoint an attorney general who will uphold the Constitution of the United States.
My fellow Americans, this is the most important election of our lifetime. The stakes are high. We are a nation at war: a global war on terror against an enemy unlike we've ever known before.
And here at home, wages are falling, health-care costs are rising, and our great middle class is shrinking. People are working weekends - two jobs, three jobs - and they're still not getting ahead.



We're told that outsourcing jobs is good for America. We're told that jobs that pay $9000 less than the jobs that have been lost is the best that we can do. They say this is the best economy that we've ever had. And they say anyone who thinks otherwise is a pessimist.
Well, here is our answer: There is nothing more pessimistic than saying that America can't do better.
We can do better, and we will. We're the optimists. For us, this is a country of the future. We're the can-do people.
And let's not forget what we did in the 1990s: we balanced the budget. We paid down the debt. We created 23 million new jobs. We lifted millions out of poverty. And we lifted the standard of living for the middle class.
We just need to believe in ourselves and we can do it again.
So tonight, in the city where America's freedom began, only a few blocks from where the sons and daughters of liberty gave birth to our nation, here tonight, on behalf of a new birth of freedom, on behalf of the middle class who deserve a champion, and those struggling to join it who deserve a fair shot, for the brave men and women in uniform who risk their lives every day and the families who pray for their return, for all those who believe our best days are ahead of us, for all of you, with great faith in the American people, I accept your nomination for president of the United States.


PUNDITS SCORECARD: The convention overall.



julho 28, 2004

Edwards: 'Hope is on the way'



Sen. John Edwards told delegates at the Democratic National Convention that he and Sen. John Kerry offered a message of hope and decried Republican criticisms of Kerry, saying the GOP is taking the "campaign for the highest office in the land down the lowest possible road."

"Where I come from, you don't judge someone's values based on how they use that word in a political ad. You judge their values based upon what they've spent their life doing," Edwards said.

The senator from North Carolina said Kerry, a decorated Navy veteran, proved his leadership qualities when he volunteered to serve in Vietnam, where he commanded a swift boat.

Kerry's crewmen, many of whom accompanied him into Boston on Wednesday, saw what he was made of during the war, Edwards said.

"They saw him reach down and pull one of his men from the river and save his life," Edwards said. "And in the heat of battle, they saw him decide in an instant to turn his boat around, drive it straight through an enemy position , and chase down the enemy to save his crew."

"Decisive, strong -- aren't these the traits you want in a commander-in-chief?" Edwards asked the crowd.




Thank you. Now, you know why Elizabeth is so amazing.

I am a lucky man: to have the love of my life at my side. We have been blessed with four beautiful children: Wade, Cate, Emma Claire, and Jack.

My mother and father, Wallace and Bobbie Edwards, are here tonight. You taught me the values that I carry with me in my heart: faith, family, responsibility, and opportunity for everyone. You taught me that there's dignity and honor in a hard day's work. You taught me that you look out for your neighbors, you never look down on anybody, and you treat everyone with respect.

Those are the values John Kerry and I believe in, and nothing makes me prouder than standing with him in this campaign. I am so humbled to be your candidate for Vice President of the United States.

I want to talk about our next president. For those who want to know what kind of leader he'll be, I want to take you back about 30 years. When John Kerry graduated college, he volunteered for military service. He volunteered to go to Vietnam and to captain a swift boat, one of the most dangerous duties you could have. And as a result he was wounded and honored for his valor.

If you have any question about what he's made of, you need to spend three minutes with the men who served with him then and stand by him today.

They saw up close what he's made of. They saw him reach down and pull one of his men from the river and save his life. And in the heat of battle, they saw him decide in an instant to turn his boat around, drive it straight through an enemy position, and chase down the enemy to save his crew.

Decisive. Strong. Aren't these the traits you want in a Commander in Chief?

We hear a lot of talk about values. Where I come from, you don't judge someone's values based on how they use that word in a political ad. You judge their values based upon what they've spent their life doing.

So when a man volunteers to serve his country, and puts his life on the line for others - that's a man who represents real American values.

This is a man who is prepared to keep the American people safe and to make America stronger at home and respected in the world.

John is a man who knows the difference between what is right and what is wrong. He wants to serve you - your cause is his cause. And that is why we must and we will elect John Kerry as our next president.

For the last few months, John has been talking about his positive, optimistic vision for the country - talking about his plan to move this country in the right direction.

But we've seen relentless negative attacks against John. So in the weeks ahead, we know what's coming - don't we - more negative attacks.

Aren't you sick of it?

They are doing all they can to take this campaign for the highest office in the land down the lowest possible road.

This is where you come in. Between now and November - you, the American people - you can reject the tired, old, hateful, negative, politics of the past. And instead you can embrace the politics of hope, the politics of what's possible because this is America, where everything is possible.

I am here tonight because I love my country. And I have every reason to love my country because I have grown up in the bright light of America.



I grew up in a small town in rural North Carolina. My father worked in a mill all his life, and I will never forget the men and women who worked with him. They had lint in their hair and grease on their faces. They worked hard and tried to put a little something away every week so their kids and their grandkids could have a better life. They are just like the auto workers, office workers, teachers, and shop keepers on Main Streets all across America.

My mother had a number of jobs. Her last job was working at the post office so my parents could have health care. And she owned her own small business - refinishing furniture to help pay for me to go to college.

I have had such incredible opportunities in my life, and I was blessed to be the first person in my family to go to college. I worked my way through, and I have had opportunities way beyond what I could have ever imagined.

And the heart of this campaign - your campaign - is to make sure that everyone has those same opportunities that I had growing up - no matter where you live, who your family is, or what the color of your skin is. This is the America we believe in.

I have spent my life fighting for the kind of people I grew up with. For two decades, I stood with families and children against big HMOs and big insurance companies. And as a Senator, I fought those same fights against the Washington lobbyists and for causes like the Patients' Bill of Rights.

I stand here tonight ready to work with you and John to make America strong again.

And we have so much work to do. Because the truth is, we still live in two different Americas: one for people who have lived the American Dream and don't have to worry, and another for most Americans who work hard and still struggle to make ends meet.

It doesn't have to be that way. We can build one America

We can build one America where we no longer have two health care systems. One for people who get the best health care money can buy and then one for everybody else, rationed out by insurance companies, drug companies, and HMOs - millions of Americans who don't have any health insurance at all.

It doesn't have to be that way.

We have a plan that will offer everyone the same health care your Senator has. We can give tax breaks to help pay for your health care. And we will sign into law a real Patients' Bill of Rights so you can make your own health care decisions.

We shouldn't have two public school systems in this country: one for the most affluent communities, and one for everybody else.

None of us believe that the quality of a child's education should be controlled by where they live or the affluence of their community.

It doesn't have to be that way.

We can build one public school system that works for all our children. Our plan will reform our schools and raise our standards. We can give our schools the resources they need. We can provide incentives to put quality teachers in the places and the subjects where we need them the most. And we can ensure that three million kids have a safe place to go after school. This is what we can do together.

We shouldn't have two different economies in America: one for people who are set for life, their kids and grandkids will be just fine, and then one for most Americans who live paycheck to paycheck.

And you know what I'm saying. You don't need me to explain it to you, you know - you can't save any money, can you? Takes every dime you make just to pay your bills, and you know what happens if something goes wrong - a child gets sick, somebody gets laid off, or there's a financial problem, you go right off the cliff.

And what's the first thing to go. Your dreams. It doesn't have to be that way.

We can strengthen and lift up your families. Your agenda is our agenda - so let me give you some specifics.

First, we can create good paying jobs in America again. Our plan will stop giving tax breaks to companies that outsource your jobs. Instead, we will give tax breaks to American companies that keep jobs here in America. And we will invest in the jobs of the future - in the technologies and innovation to ensure that America stays ahead of the competition.

We will do this because for us a job is about more than a paycheck - it's about dignity and self-respect. Hard work should be valued in this country and we're going to reward work, not just wealth.

We don't want people to just get by; we want people to get ahead. So let me give you some specifics about how we're going to do that.

To help you pay for health care, a tax break and health care reform to lower your premiums up to $1,000. To help you cover the rising costs of child care, a tax credit up to $1,000 to cover those costs so your kids have a safe place to go while you work. And to help your child have the same chance I had and be the first person in your family to go to college, a tax break on up to $4,000 in tuition.



So now you ask how are we going to pay for this? Well, here's how we're going to pay for it. Let me be very clear, for 98 percent of Americans, you will keep your tax cut-that's 98 percent. But we'll roll back the tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans, close corporate loopholes, and cut government contractors and wasteful spending. We can move our country forward without passing the bill and the burden on to our children and grandchildren.

We can also do something about 35 million Americans who live in poverty every day. Here's the reason we should not just talk about it, but do something about millions of Americans who still live in poverty, because it is wrong. We have a moral responsibility to lift those families up.

I mean the very idea that in a country of our wealth and our prosperity, we have children going to bed hungry. We have children who don't have the clothes to keep them warm. We have millions of Americans who work full-time every day for minimum wage to support their family and still live in poverty - it's wrong.

These are men and women who are living up to their part of the bargain: working hard and taking care of their families. Those families are doing their part; it's time we did ours.

We will do that when John is in the White House. We will raise the minimum wage, finish the job on Welfare Reform, and bring good paying jobs to the places that need them. And we will say no forever to any American working full-time and living in poverty - not in our America, not in our America.

Let me talk about why we need to build one America. I saw up close what having two Americas does to our country.

From the time I was very young, I saw the ugly face of segregation and discrimination. I saw young African-American kids sent upstairs in movie theaters. I saw white only signs on restaurant doors and luncheon counters. I feel such an enormous responsibility when it comes to issues of race and equality and civil rights.

I have heard some discussions and debates about where, and in front of what audiences we should talk about race, equality, and civil rights. Well, I have an answer to that question. Everywhere.

This is not an African-American issue, not a Latino issue, not an Asian-American issue, this is an American issue. It's about who we are, what our values are, what kind of country we want to live in.

What John and I want - what we all want - is for our children and our grandchildren to be the first generations to grow up in an America that's no longer divided by race.

We must build one America. We must be one America, strong and united for another very important reason - because we are at war.

None of us will ever forget where we were on September 11th. We share the same terrible images: the Towers falling, the Pentagon in flames, and the smoldering field in Pennsylvania. And we share the profound sadness for the nearly three thousand lives lost.

As a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee, I know that we have to do more to fight terrorism and protect our country. And we can do that. We are approaching the third anniversary of September 11th, and I can tell you that when we're in office, it won't take us three years to get the reforms in our intelligence we need to protect our country. We will do whatever it takes, for as long as it takes, to make sure that never happens again, not to our America.



When John is president, we will listen to the wisdom of the Sept. 11 commission. We will build and lead strong alliances and safeguard and secure weapons of mass destruction. We will strengthen our homeland security and protect our ports, safeguard our chemical plants, and support our firefighters, police officers and EMTs. We will always use our military might to keep the American people safe.

And we will have one clear unmistakable message for al Qaida and the rest of these terrorists. You cannot run. You cannot hide. And we will destroy you.

John understands personally about fighting in a war. And he knows what our brave men and women are going through in another war - the war in Iraq.

The human cost and extraordinary heroism of this war, it surrounds us. It surrounds us in our cities and towns. And we will win this war because of the strength and courage of our own people.

Some of our friends and neighbors saw their last images in Baghdad. Some took their last steps outside of Fallujah. And some buttoned their uniform for the final time before they went out to save their unit.

Men and women who used to take care of themselves, they now count on others to see them through the day. They need their mother to tie their shoe. Their husband to brush their hair. And their wife's arm to help them across the room.

The stars and stripes wave for them. The word hero was made for them. They are the best and the bravest. They will never be left behind. You understand that. And they deserve a president who understands that on the most personal level what they have gone through - what they have given and what they have given up for their country.

To us, the real test of patriotism is how we treat the men and women who put their lives on the line every day to defend our values. And let me tell you, the 26 million veterans in this country won't have to wonder if they'll have health care next week or next year - they will have it always because they took care of us and we will take care of them.

But today, our great United States military is stretched thin. More than 140,000 are in Iraq. Nearly 20,000 are serving in Afghanistan. And I visited the men and women there and we're praying for them as they keep working to give that country hope.

Like all of those brave men and women, John put his life on the line for our country. He knows that when authority is given to the president, much is expected in return. That's why we will strengthen and modernize our military.

We will double our Special Forces, and invest in the new equipment and technologies so that our military remains the best equipped and best trained in the world. This will make our military stronger so we're able to defeat every enemy in this new world.

But we can't do this alone. We have to restore our respect in the world to bring our allies to us and with us. It's how we won the World Wars and the Cold War and it is how we will build a stable Iraq.

With a new president who strengthens and leads our alliances, we can get NATO to help secure Iraq. We can ensure that Iraq's neighbors like Syria and Iran, don't stand in the way of a democratic Iraq. We can help Iraq's economy by getting other countries to forgive their enormous debt and participate in the reconstruction. We can do this for the Iraqi people and our soldiers. And we will get this done right.

A new president will bring the world to our side, and with it - a stable Iraq and a real chance for peace and freedom in the Middle East, including a safe and secure Israel. And John and I will bring the world together to face our most dangerous threat: the possibility of terrorists getting their hands on a nuclear, chemical or biological weapon.

With our credibility restored, we can work with other nations to secure stockpiles of the world's most dangerous weapons and safeguard this dangerous material. We can finish the job and secure all loose nukes in Russia. And we can close the loophole in the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty that allows rogue nations access to the tools they need to develop these weapons.

That's how we can address the new threats we face. That's how we can keep you safe. That's how we can restore America's respect around the world.

And together, we will ensure that the image of America - the image all of us love - America this great shining light, this beacon of freedom, democracy, and human rights that the world looks up to - that that beacon is always lit.

The truth is every child, every family in America will be safer and more secure if you grow up in a world where America is once again looked up to and respected. That's the world we can create together.

Tonight, as we celebrate in this hall, somewhere in America, a mother sits at the kitchen table. She can't sleep. She's worried because she can't pay her bills. She's working hard to pay the rent and feed her kids. She's doing everything right, but she still can't get ahead.

It didn't use to be that way in her house. Her husband was called up in the Guard and he's been serving in Iraq for more than a year. She thought he'd be home last month, but now he's got to stay longer.

She thinks she's alone. But tonight in this hall and in your homes - you know what? She's got a lot of friends. We want her to know that we hear her. And it's time to bring opportunity and an equal chance to her door.



We're here to make America stronger at home so she can get ahead. And we're here to make America respected in the world so that we can bring him home and American soldiers don't have to fight the war in Iraq and the war on terror alone.

So when you return home, you might pass a mother on her way to work the late-shift - you tell her... hope is on the way.

When your brother calls and says that he's working all the time at the office and still can't get ahead - you tell him... hope is on the way.

When your parents call and tell you their medical bills are through the roof - you tell them ...hope is on the way.

When your neighbor calls you and says that her daughter has worked hard and wants to go to college - you tell her... hope is on the way.

When you talk to your son or daughter who is serving this country and protecting our freedoms in Iraq - you tell them...hope is on the way.

And when you wake up and sit with your kids at the kitchen table, talking to them about the great possibilities in America, you make sure that they know that John and I believe at our core that tomorrow can be better than today.

Like all of us, I have learned a lot of lessons in my life. Two of the most important are that first, there will always be heartache and struggle - you can't make it go away. But the other is that people of good and strong will, can make a difference. One lesson is a sad lesson and the other's inspiring. We are Americans and we choose to be inspired.

We choose hope over despair; possibilities over problems; optimism over cynicism. We choose to do what's right even when those around us say, "You can't do that." We choose to be inspired because we know that we can do better - because this is America where everything is still possible.

What we believe - what John Kerry and I believe - is that you should never look down on anybody, that we should lift people up. We don't believe in tearing people apart. We believe in bringing people together. What we believe - what I believe - is that the family you're born into and the color of your skin in our America should never control your destiny.

Join us in this cause. Let's make America stronger at home and respected in the world. Let's ensure that once again, in our one America - our one America - tomorrow will always be better than today.

Thank you and God bless you.

Al Sharpton: 'Our Vote Not for Sale'

Al Sharpton, who failed in his quest for the Democratic presidential nomination, told the Democratic National Convention on Wednesday night that he was living proof that kids can grow up poor and make it in America.
 
"As I ran for president, I hoped that one child would come out of the ghetto like I did, could look at me walk across the stage with governors and senators and know they didn't have to be a drug dealer, they didn't have to be a hoodlum, they didn't have to be a gangster," he said. "They could stand up from a broken home, on welfare, and they could run for president of the United States."

Sharpton repeatedly departed from his prepared text text that had been scrubbed by John Kerry's staff and the amended message resonated with the delegates who interrupted his address with cheers and applause repeatedly.

One of many standing ovations went on for a minute after he told delegates that after the nation failed to deliver on Civil War-era promises of "40 acres and mule" to freed slaves, "we didn't get the mule so we decided we'd ride this donkey as far as it would take us."

He repeatedly slammed the Republican administration.

"Mr. President, the reason we are fighting so hard, the reason we took Florida so seriously, is our right to vote wasn't gained because of our age," Sharpton said. "Our vote was soaked in the blood of martyrs, soaked in the blood of good men, soaked in the blood of four little girls in Birmingham. This vote is sacred to us. This vote can't be bargained away. This vote can't be given away.

"In all due respect, Mr. President, read my lips: Our vote is not for sale."





Thank you.

Tonight I want to address my remarks in two parts.

One, I'm honored to address the delegates here.

Last Friday, I had the experience in Detroit of hearing President George Bush make a speech. And in the speech, he asked certain questions. I hope he's watching tonight. I would like to answer your questions, Mr. President.

To the chairman, our delegates, and all that are assembled, we're honored and glad to be here tonight.

I'm glad to be joined by supporters and friends from around the country. I'm glad to be joined by my family, Kathy, Dominique, who will be 18, and Ashley.

We are here 228 years after right here in Boston we fought to establish the freedoms of America. The first person to die in the Revolutionary War is buried not far from here, a Black man from Barbados, named Crispus Attucks.

Forty years ago, in 1964, Fannie Lou Hamer and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party stood at the Democratic convention in Atlantic City fighting to preserve voting rights for all America and all Democrats, regardless of race or gender.

Hamer's stand inspired Dr. King's march in Selma, which brought about the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Twenty years ago, Reverend Jesse Jackson stood at the Democratic National Convention in San Francisco, again, appealing to the preserve those freedoms.

Tonight, we stand with those freedoms at risk and our security as citizens in question.

I have come here tonight to say, that the only choice we have to preserve our freedoms at this point in history is to elect John Kerry the president of the United States.

I stood with both John Kerry and John Edwards on over 30 occasions during the primary season. I not only debated them, I watched them, I observed their deeds, I looked into their eyes. I am convinced that they are men who say what they mean and mean what they say.

I'm also convinced that at a time when a vicious spirit in the body politic of this country that attempts to undermine America's freedoms -- our civil rights, and civil liberties -- we must leave this city and go forth and organize this nation for victory for our party and John Kerry and John Edwards in November.

And let me quickly say, this is not just about winning an election. It's about preserving the principles on which this very nation was founded.

Look at the current view of our nation worldwide as a results of our unilateral foreign policy. We went from unprecedented international support and solidarity on September 12, 2001, to hostility and hatred as we stand here tonight. We can't survive in the world by ourselves.

How did we squander this opportunity to unite the world for democracy and to commit to a global fight against hunger and disease?



This court has voted five to four on critical issues of women's rights and civil rights. It is frightening to think that the gains of civil and women rights and those movements in the last century could be reversed if this administration is in the White House in these next four years.

I suggest to you tonight that if George Bush had selected the court in '54, Clarence Thomas would have never got to law school.

This is not about a party. This is about living up to the promise of America. The promise of America says we will guarantee quality education for all children and not spend more money on metal detectors than computers in our schools.

The promise of America guarantees health care for all of its citizens and doesn't force seniors to travel to Canada to buy prescription drugs they can't afford here at home.

We did it with a go-it-alone foreign policy based on flawed intelligence. We were told that we were going to Iraq because there were weapons of mass destruction. We've lost hundreds of soldiers. We've spent $200 billion dollars at a time when we had record state deficits. And when it became clear that there were no weapons, they changed the premise for the war and said: No, we went because of other reasons.

If I told you tonight, Let's leave the Fleet Center, we're in danger, and when you get outside, you ask me, Reverend Al, What is the danger? and I say, It don't matter. We just needed some fresh air, I have misled you and we were misled.

We are also faced with the prospect of in the next four years that two or more of the Supreme Court Justice seats will become available. This year we celebrated the anniversary of Brown v. the Board of Education.

The promise of America provides that those who work in our health care system can afford to be hospitalized in the very beds they clean up every day.

The promise of America is that government does not seek to regulate your behavior in the bedroom, but to guarantee your right to provide food in the kitchen.

The issue of government is not to determine who may sleep together in the bedroom, it's to help those that might not be eating in the kitchen.

The promise of America that we stand for human rights, whether it's fighting against slavery in the Sudan, where right now Joe Madison and others are fasting, around what is going on in the Sudan; AIDS in Lesotho; a police misconduct in this country.

The promise of America is one immigration policy for all who seek to enter our shores, whether they come from Mexico, Haiti or Canada, there must be one set of rules for everybody.

We cannot welcome those to come and then try and act as though any culture will not be respected or treated inferior. We cannot look at the Latino community and preach one language. No one gave them an English test before they sent them to Iraq to fight for America.

The promise of America is that every citizen vote is counted and protected, and election schemes do not decide the election.

It, to me, is a glaring contradiction that we would fight, and rightfully so, to get the right to vote for the people in the capital of Iraq in Baghdad, but still don't give the federal right to vote for the people in the capital of the United States, in Washington, D.C.

Mr. President, as I close, Mr. President, I heard you say Friday that you had questions for voters, particularly African- American voters. And you asked the question: Did the Democratic Party take us for granted? Well, I have raised questions. But let me answer your question.



You said the Republican Party was the party of Lincoln and Frederick Douglass. It is true that Mr. Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation, after which there was a commitment to give 40 acres and a mule.

That's where the argument, to this day, of reparations starts. We never got the 40 acres. We went all the way to Herbert Hoover, and we never got the 40 acres.

We didn't get the mule. So we decided we'd ride this donkey as far as it would take us.

Mr. President, you said would we have more leverage if both parties got our votes, but we didn't come this far playing political games. It was those that earned our vote that got our vote. We got the Civil Rights Act under a Democrat. We got the Voting Rights Act under a Democrat. We got the right to organize under Democrats.

Mr. President, the reason we are fighting so hard, the reason we took Florida so seriously, is our right to vote wasn't gained because of our age. Our vote was soaked in the blood of martyrs, soaked in the blood of good men (inaudible) soaked in the blood of four little girls in Birmingham. This vote is sacred to us.

This vote can't be bargained away.

This vote can't be given away.

Mr. President, in all due respect, Mr. President, read my lips: Our vote is not for sale.

And there's a whole generation of young leaders that have come forward across this country that stand on integrity and stand on their traditions, those that have emerged with John Kerry and John Edwards as partners, like Greg Meeks, like Barack Obama, like our voter registration director, Marjorie Harris, like those that are in the trenches.

And we come with strong family values. Family values is not just those with two-car garages and a retirement plan. Retirement plans are good. But family values also are those who had to make nothing stretch into something happening, who had to make ends meet.

I was raised by a single mother who made a way for me. She used to scrub floors as a domestic worker, put a cleaning rag in her pocketbook and ride the subways in Brooklyn so I would have food on the table.

But she taught me as I walked her to the subway that life is about not where you start, but where you're going. That's family values.

And I wanted somebody in my community -- I wanted to show that example. As I ran for president, I hoped that one child would come out of the ghetto like I did, could look at me walk across the stage with governors and senators and know they didn't have to be a drug dealer, they didn't have to be a hoodlum, they didn't have to be a gangster, they could stand up from a broken home, on welfare, and they could run for president of the United States.

As you know, I live in New York. I was there September 11th when that despicable act of terrorism happened.

A few days after, I left home, my family had taken in a young man who lost his family. And as they gave comfort to him, I had to do a radio show that morning. When I got there, my friend James Entome (ph) said, Reverend, we're going to stop at a certain hour and play a song, synchronized with 990 other stations.

I said, That's fine.

He said, We're dedicating it to the victims of 9/11.

I said, What song are you playing?

He said America the Beautiful. The particular station I was at, the played that rendition song by Ray Charles.

As you know, we lost Ray a few weeks ago, but I sat there that morning and listened to Ray sing through those speakers, Oh beautiful for spacious skies, for amber waves of grain, for purple mountains' majesty across the fruited plain.

And it occurred to me as I heard Ray singing, that Ray wasn't singing about what he knew, because Ray had been blind since he was a child. He hadn't seen many purple mountains. He hadn't seen many fruited plains. He was singing about what he believed to be.

Mr. President, we love America, not because all of us have seen the beauty all the time.

But we believed if we kept on working, if we kept on marching, if we kept on voting, if we kept on believing, we would make America beautiful for everybody.

Starting in November, let's make America beautiful again.

Thank you. And God bless you.

A star is born


 
Larry King cornered Rep. Rahm Emanuel on the convention floor Monday night. "Hey Nine," he said in a weird Bushian reference to the fact that Emanuel is missing part of one finger, "I hear this fellow from Illinois is terrific."

Emanuel is from Illinois, but he wasn't the fellow King had in mind. That fellow was Barack Obama, the state senator from Chicago who is running for the U.S. Senate. And his keynote address Tuesday night was, in fact, terrific.

"He knocked it out of the park," Emanuel said Tuesday night as he stood in a swarm of wildly cheering Illinois delegates. "He told the story of his life. And he wrote it himself. No, I know everybody says that, but he really did." Emanuel shares the same media advisor, David Axelrod, so he should know. Obama, 42, crafted the speech himself over the weeks that the legislature was deadlocked over a budget, according to Emanuel. "He's going to be a great senator because he believes in public service and the role of government." (Link)

 

"My name is Teresa Heinz Kerry"

As the candidate's wife revealed to wild applause Tuesday night, she will not be boxed in, focus grouped or stifled with a tight smile and a stiff wave.

By Geraldine Sealey/Salon

Teresa Heinz Kerry didn't talk about her Botox, her prenup, or how good-looking John Edwards is. She didn't say she would give up her fortune to have her dead husband back, or tell George W. Bush to "shove it." But in her highly anticipated prime-time speech before the Democratic convention on Tuesday, she defended her right to say any or all of those things.

"My name is Teresa Heinz Kerry," she said. "And by now I hope it will come as no surprise to anyone that I have something to say." (Link)



ACT NOW... vote!

 
click up here

Michael Moore watches the media watching him



For all his disdain of the media, Michael Moore has always been concerned about what the press says about him. Fifteen years ago in Flint, Mich., he showed up at our hotel room unannounced in the middle of the night, just to get a copy of a newspaper article about "Roger & Me" that he hadn't seen yet.

Moore hasn't changed. Early this morning at the Fleet Center -- and by early this morning, we really mean very, very late last night -- Moore was hanging out inside the Fleet Center, sitting in some empty delegate seats and holding forth for a few dozen reporters as he waited for a turn with Larry King.

A Dutch reporter demanded to know whether "Farenheit 9/11" perverted the documentary form, whether the film was really just "propaganda." Moore said that the TV networks provide "propaganda." His film, he said, was "anti-propaganda," the "antidote" to what people see in their living rooms.

As Moore spoke, Ted Koppel wandered up. "Give it a rest, will ya -- go home for Christ's sake," Koppel joked. Moore had taped a "Nightline" segment with Koppel earlier, and Koppel had just gotten off the air. Moore asked Koppel how much of the interview he had aired, and whether he'd used a portion in which Moore had urged Koppel to speak truth to power. "Did you leave in the part where I said you could be our next Walter Cronkite?" Moore asked. "Actually," Koppel said, "we led with that."

He plainly hadn't, but Moore didn't seem to mind. "Thanks a lot!" Moore shouted out to Koppel. Then, turning to the other reports, Moore smiled and said, "He put me on his show tonight!"

-- Tim Grieve/Salon

julho 27, 2004

"My right to speak my mind is a right I deeply and profoundly cherish"



The wife of Sen. John Kerry, Teresa Heinz Kerry, outlined his vision of an America that encompasses all its citizens, from jobs to health care to environmental issues. She rounded off the second day of the Democratic National Convention in Boston that heard rising star Barack Obama deliver the keynote speech where he said voters in November faced a choice between hope and cynicism.

Thank you, Christopher. Your father would be proud of you and your brothers. I love you and all our family.

My name is Teresa Heinz Kerry. And by now I hope it will come as no surprise to anyone that I have something to say. And tonight, as I have done throughout this campaign I would like to speak to you from my heart.

Y a todos los Hispanos, los Latinos; a tous les Americains, Francais et Canadiens; a tutti Italiani; a toda a familia Portugesa e Brasileira; to all my continental African family living in this country, and to all new Americans: I invite you to join our conversation, and together with us work towards the noblest purpose of all: a free, good, and democratic society.

I am grateful for the opportunity to stand before you and say a few words about my husband, John Kerry, and why I firmly believe he should be the next president of the United States.

This is such a powerful moment for me. Like many other Americans, like many of you, and like even more of your parents and grandparents, I was not born in this country. As you have seen, I grew up in East Africa, in Mozambique, in a land that was then under a dictatorship.

My father, a wonderful, caring man who practiced medicine for 43 years, and taught me how to understand disease and wellness, only got the right to vote for the first time when he was 71 years old. That's what happens in dictatorships.

As a young woman, I attended Witwatersrand University in Johannesburg, South Africa, which was then not segregated. But I witnessed the weight of apartheid everywhere around me. And so, with my fellow students we marched against its extension into higher education. This was the late 50s, the dawn of the civil rights marches in America.

As history records, our efforts in South Africa failed and the Higher Education Apartheid Act was passed. Apartheid tightened its ugly grip, the Sharpsville riots followed, and a short while later Nelson Mandela was arrested and sent to Robin Island.

I learned something then, and I believe it still. There is a value in taking a stand whether or not anyone may be noticing and whether or not it is a risky thing to do. And if even those who are in danger can raise their lonely voices, isn't more required of all of us, in this land where liberty had her birth?

I have a very personal feeling about how special America is, and I know how precious freedom is. It is a sacred gift, sanctified by those who have lived it and those who have died defending it. My right to speak my mind, to have a voice, to be what some have called "opinionated," is a right I deeply and profoundly cherish.



My only hope is that, one day soon, women -- who have all earned the right to their opinions -- instead of being labeled opinionated, will be called smart or well-informed, just as men are.

Tonight I want to remember my mother's warmth, generosity, wisdom, and hopefulness, and thank her for all the sacrifices she made on our behalf, like so many other mothers.

This evening, I want to acknowledge and honor the women of this world, whose wise voices for much too long have been excluded and discounted. It is time for the world to hear women's voices, in full and at last.

In the past year, I have been privileged to meet with Americans all across this land. They voiced many different concerns, but one they all seemed to share was about America's role in the world -- what we want this great country of ours to stand for.

To me, one of the best faces America has ever projected is the face of a Peace Corps volunteer. That face symbolizes this country: young, curious, brimming with idealism and hope -- and a real, honest compassion. Those young people convey an idea of America that is all about -- heart and creativity, generosity and confidence, a practical, can-do sense and a big, big smile.

For many generations of people around the globe, that is what America has represented. A symbol of hope, a beacon brightly lit by the optimism of its people -- people coming from all over the world.

Americans believed they could know all there is to know, build all there is to build, break down any barrier, tear down any wall. We sent men to the moon, and when that was not far enough, we sent Galileo to Jupiter, we sent Cassini to Saturn, and Hubble to touch the very edges of the universe at the very dawn of time. Americans showed the world what can happen when people believe in amazing possibilities.

And, that, for me, is the spirit of America -- the America you and I are working for in this election. It is the America that people all across this nation want to restore -- from Iowa to California, from Florida to Michigan, from Washington State to my home state of Pennsylvania.

It is the America the world wants to see, shining, hopeful, and bright once again. And that is the America that my husband John Kerry wants to lead.

John believes in a bright future. He believes we can, and we will, invent the technologies, new materials, and conservation methods of the future. He believes that alternative fuels will guarantee that not only will no American boy or girl go to war because of our dependence on foreign oil, but also that our economy will forever become independent of this need.

We can, and we will, create good, competitive, and sustainable jobs while still protecting the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the health of our children, because good environmental policy is good economics.

John believes that we can, and we will, give every family and every child access to affordable health care, a good education, and the tools to become self-reliant.

John Kerry believes we must, and we should, recognize the immense value of the caregivers in our country -- those women and men who nurture and care for children, for elderly parents, for family members in need. These are the people who build and support our most valuable assets -- our families. Isn't it time we began working to give parents more opportunity to be with their children, and to afford to have a family life?

With John Kerry as president, we can, and we will, protect our nation's security without sacrificing our civil liberties. In short, John believes we can, and we must, lead in the world - as America, unique among nations, always should - by showing the face, not of our fears, but of our hopes.



John is a fighter. He earned his medals the old-fashioned way, by putting his life on the line for his country. No one will defend this nation more vigorously than he will -- and he will always be first in the line of fire.

But he also knows the importance of getting it right. For him, the names of too many friends inscribed in the cold stone of the Vietnam Memorial testify to the awful toll exacted by leaders who mistake stubbornness for strength.

That is why, as president, my husband will not fear disagreement or dissent. He believes that our voices - yours and mine - must be the voices of freedom. And if we do not speak, neither does she.

In America, the true patriots are those who dare speak truth to power. The truth we must speak now is that America has responsibilities that it is time for us to accept again.

With John Kerry as president, global climate change and other threats to the health of our planet will begin to be reversed. With John Kerry as president, the alliances that bind the community of nations and that truly make our country and the world a safer place, will be strengthened once more.

The Americans John and I have met in the course of this campaign all want America to provide hopeful leadership again. They want America to return to its moral bearings. It is not a moralistic America they seek, but a moral nation that understands and willingly shoulders its obligations; a moral nation that rejects thoughtless and greedy choices in favor of thoughtful and generous actions; a moral nation that leads through the power of its ideas and the power of its example.

We can and we should join together to make the most of this great gift we have been given, this gift of freedom, this gift of America. In his first inaugural, speaking to a nation on the eve of war, Abraham Lincoln said, "We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

Today, the better angels of our nature are just waiting to be summoned. We only require a leader who is willing to call on them, a leader willing to draw again on the mystic chords of our national memory and remind us of all that we, as a people, everyday leaders, can do; of all that we as a nation stand for and of all the immense possibility that still lies ahead.

I think I've found just the guy. I'm married to him. John Kerry will give us back our faith in America. He will restore our faith in ourselves and in the sense of limitless opportunity that has always been America's gift to the world. Together we will lift everyone up. We have to. It's possible. And you know what? It's the American thing to do. Goodnight and God bless.

West Wing at the Convention


 
Actor Richard Schiff, right, from 'The West Wing,' listens to keynote speaker Barack Obama, candidate for the Senate from Illinois, speak during the Democratic National Convention at the FleetCenter in Boston, Tuesday, July 27, 2004. (AP Photo/Amy Sancetta)

... inicio do discurso da Teresa...



A Teresa Heinz-Kerry acaba de começar o seu discurso na convenção democrata, com a seguinte frase, dita em português:

"... a toda a familia portuguesa, e brasileira também...".  [RF]

Heinz Kerry Comment Gains Long-Dreaded Attention

By JIM RUTENBERG

BOSTON - It was exactly what many Democrats had dreaded: Teresa Heinz Kerry, the candidate's wife, running off the carefully laid rails at the Democratic National Convention here.

On Monday, prevailing images on cable news were not of Senator John Kerry throwing the first pitch at Fenway Park the night before, but those of his wife laying into the editor of a conservative newspaper and telling him to "shove it" before a horde of other journalists. As Mr. Kerry and his aides began what they have billed as a four-day showcase for the candidate's "positive vision for America," they were repeatedly forced to explain his wife's comment.



Then, Mrs. Heinz Kerry took on a staff member. In an interview to be aired Tuesday on NPR, she disowned a pumpkin spice cookie recipe that had been submitted to Family Circle magazine for a bakeoff between her and Laura Bush. "Someone had made it on purpose to give a nasty recipe," she said.

All in all, it was not an atypical 24 hours for Mrs. Heinz Kerry, the billionaire philanthropist who has shown a flair for saying whatever she thinks, whenever she thinks it, in a way that is wholly foreign to the political operatives overrunning this city this week.

When Mrs. Heinz Kerry addresses the convention here Tuesday night, it will be the culmination of a months- long journey for her and her husband's campaign staff in which a "let Teresa be Teresa" philosophy has come to prevail. In part, aides say, that is because she is among the best promoters of her husband, but also because there is no other choice.

Mrs. Heinz Kerry has had a net positive effect on the campaign, infusing it with some welcome spontaneity and excitement, current and former campaign aides say. But it has not come without some jostling for her husband and his staff members, who have learned over the course of several hard months to deal with her unpredictability.

Some campaign staff members had misgivings about Mrs. Heinz Kerry's potential effect on the campaign from nearly the beginning, for several reasons.

Born of Portuguese parents in Mozambique, educated in Switzerland and South Africa, her accent - best described as pan-European with a hint of Africa - was not considered a draw for the crucial voting bloc Howard Dean coined "the guys with Confederate flags in their pickup trucks."

Then, there was her fortune, now estimated at $1 billion - an enviable back-up campaign kitty that, some feared, could potentially give Mr. Kerry the air of a hanger-on nonetheless.

But, most worrisome of all, there was her personal style.

"There was a feeling early on," said a former staff member, "that she was a liability: The fact that she was from another country, the fact that she wasn't programmed, wouldn't stay on script."



Another former adviser to Mr. Kerry added: "The conundrum was, 'Do you just let her go out there and do her thing or not?' The other choice was to try to jump in and really manage it."

Mr. Kerry, during a telephone interview in June, played down nervousness about his wife among his staff. "I think this, quote, nervousness, has been overexaggerated, and rumored," he said, "and perhaps someone in the campaign had that sense or something, but it's never been a campaign view, or my view."

But Mrs. Heinz Kerry more readily acknowledged it during an interview at the campaign's headquarters in June.

"I tell you something: I would say probably any campaign in this town would have had a hard time figuring out how to use me because they were not used to having someone with my clout, or baggage, or whatever - or experience," she said. She continued, nearly stream of consciousness-like, "Do you feel that you're being railroaded, or do you feel that you're being absorbed - do you feel inferior, or do you feel superior? What is it you feel? So I think any campaign would have had to adjust to that, because most spouses that have come in have kind of fitted into whatever it is."

She added, "I can't be packaged, I won't be packaged. If I have to be packaged, then I can't be part of the process."

She made that clear early on, when, in early 2003 a new public relations handler assigned to her submitted a memorandum detailing how she could take better care with her makeup and hair before television appearances.

Mrs. Heinz Kerry rejected the advice angrily, offended by what she saw as an effort to turn her into someone she was not, several people familiar with the incident said.

That was not the first time Mr. Kerry's campaign ran afoul of his wife, especially when it was under the management of Jim Jordan, who was fired in November.

Several former and current staff members said Mrs. Heinz Kerry was eager to get out and speak on behalf of the campaign and felt as if Mr. Jordan did not do enough to use her on the stump or in the news media. Mr. Jordan's supporters and detractors agree that if he had had a better relationship with Mrs. Heinz Kerry he may have survived, or, at least, survived longer, in his job.



Mrs. Heinz Kerry was reluctant to comment too much on her view of Mr. Jordan, at one point saying flatly, "I don't know Jim Jordan very much at all.''

Mr. Jordan's successor, Mary Beth Cahill, certainly made her available to the news media and on the stump far more often, especially this past spring.

She sat for a prime-time, one-on-one interview with Barbara Walters and was the willing subject of cover articles in Newsweek and People and of a CBS Evening News profile.

"She is exactly what she seems to be, she is her husband's best asset,'' Ms. Cahill said during a breakfast with reporters held by The Christian Science Monitor here on Monday. "The way that she talks about him is one of the strongest views into him - his character - that it's possible to give, and we think that she's great."

People at the campaign said they became more comfortable with Mrs. Heinz Kerry as they saw her success on the speaking circuit, where she mixes deep policy knowledge on environmental and health care issues - honed as the head of the Heinz family endowments - with a casual speaking style.

After the spring, aides said they were pleased with her discipline at staying on message. "She's been disciplined and smart,'' Mr. Jordan, who would not otherwise comment on his relationship with her, said in early July. "Her press has been great, and she's been an altogether terrific asset.''

To be sure, Mrs. Heinz Kerry can connect especially well with women, even those who would be able to provide two week's worth of groceries for their families at the cost of a pair of Mrs. Heinz Kerry's Chanel shoes. At a meeting with mostly poor community leaders on the North Campus of Miami-Dade Community College in late June, she at once delighted the women-only crowd and made herself wholly relatable by saying, "At the end of the day, no one asks a woman, 'Do you need a neck rub? Do you need a drink, honey?' '' Her off-the-cuff, politically incorrect sense of humor, which has gotten her into trouble in the national news media, can also get real laughs, as it did at another recent women's group meeting in Orlando, when she said of China, "Of course, they have more people than ants there.''

Her interaction with the conservative writer occurred after she addressed the Democratic delegation from Pennsylvania, where she maintains her residence. Mrs. Heinz Kerry had told the audience, "We need to turn back some of the creeping, un-Pennsylvanian and sometimes un-American traits that are coming into some of our politics.'' After the speech, the editorial page editor of The Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, Colin McNickle, asked Mrs. Heinz Kerry what she meant by "un-American,'' prompting Mrs. Heinz Kerry to argue that she had never used the term and eventually saying angrily, "You said something I didn't say. Now shove it."

The line did not go over well with some delegates here. "I think it could hurt her,'' The Associated Press quoted a delegate from Memphis, Lexie Carter, as saying. "I'm not sure how it will play but I'm coming down on the side of 'it's O.K., but let's cool it - keep a level head, girl.' ''



Mr. Kerry's campaign aides, by now accustomed to finessing his wife's more lively moments, tried to use them to their advantage. And they and their surrogates said she was merely venting at a conservative newspaper that has been critical of her for years. It is owned by Richard Mellon Scaife, a prominent supporter of the Heritage Foundation and other conservative groups.

"She was approached by a conservative local rag that over the years has consistently misrepresented her and her family,'' said Debra DeShong, a campaign spokeswoman. "And she's always going to stand up for herself when she feels like someone misrepresenting the truth.''

Senator Hillary Clinton, no stranger to conservative media as a candidate's wife, went one better: "A lot of Americans are going to say, 'Good for you, you go, girl,' and that's certainly how I feel about it.''

Speaking in Florida, Mr. Kerry said, "I think my wife speaks her mind appropriately.''

Either way, the incident renewed questions about whether she would continue to be the free campaign spirit she has been so far. During the interview in June, Mr. Kerry had been emphatic that she would not be reined in. "The folks in our campaign are thrilled with what she's doing," he said. "They're going to let Kerry be Kerry and let Teresa be Teresa, and that's the way we're campaigning, and they don't have any choice in the matter. How's that?''

The New York Times 2004